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Data will be in high demand
Data, data, data: It will be impossible for the Biden Administration to fulfill its promise to run an evidence-based federal government, if U.S. officials — after a year of battering by the worst public health catastrophe in a century — still lack basic information on a problem as giant as the coronavirus pandemic.
How many Americans have died, been infected, or hospitalized with Covid-19? How full are hospital intensive care units with coronavirus patients? Are infection rates rising or falling? How many doses of vaccines have makers shipped into federal control? How many have passed quality assurance tests and are ready for distribution for patient vaccinations? How many patients got a first dose, and where did they get it? How were they scheduled for their shots? When and where will they get a second shot, if needed, and who will give it to them?
These are some of the issues that the federal government in 2020 sought fast, accurate answers to, throwing tens of millions of dollars in contracts, without competition or little disclosure of terms and details, to outside firms, notably the high tech company Palantir.
That is a firm co-founded by Peter Thiel, a Silicon Valley entrepreneur and early supporter of former President Trump. Palantir, before the pandemic, was best known for its expanding work with military, intelligence, and law enforcement agencies’ software projects. It has attracted recent attention for its coronavirus tracking systems.
Earlier, when the president launched his White House coronavirus task force and Dr. Deborah Birx, a well-known public health expert, joined, she ripped the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) for what she asserted were its fumbles in providing decision-makers with crucial data.
Birx cut the CDC out of its traditional role in gathering, analyzing, and reporting vital disease and response information, notably its basic figures on patient and hospital conditions. The president’s men submarined the CDC, in part by spreading the word that its data collection systems were so backwards they relied on fax machines (as many medical operations do). This was yet another of the many and important ways, critics said, in which the White House and its political partisans sidelined federal health experts and agencies with deep experience and successes in dealing with mass infections.
The new data system from a Pittsburgh provider, however, proved to be clunky and ineffectual, drawing howls from doctors and hospitals already overwhelmed by caring for coronavirus patients.
When demand for data fundamentals far exceeded supplies, news organizations, universities, and private individuals stepped in. These Samaritans included media like the New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, and the Atlantic Magazine, as well as, notably, independent and respected institutions like Johns Hopkins.
Throughout the pandemic, even public health officials, as well as politicians and policymakers, have turned not to the federal government — neither the traditional CDC nor the White House task force — for reliable, authoritative pandemic data but to the likes of Johns Hopkins or media organizations.
Biden officials, as they launch into their terms in office, may be blaming their predecessors too much for obstacles that must be overcome to battle the coronavirus. But the new president and his top health officials have expressed frustration and consternation in trying to dig up fundamentals they need, including, as the new CDC chief described it, data on how much coronavirus vaccine is available or will be soon.
The rocky coronavirus vaccination program further imperils Biden officials’ urgent efforts to rebuild public trust in experts and the health measures they recommend to end the pandemic, the president said in one of his earliest executive orders. In it, he told an array of federal executives and agencies to get it together to end the existing information hash that impedes fact-finding and evidence-based responses to the coronavirus.
Photos and credits: top, the presidential flag; screen shot (above) from NBC-TV video of President Biden announcing initial members of his health team, including Xavier Becerra to head the Health and Human Services agency; President Biden and Vice President Harris in campaign shot taken before mask rules; Dr. Antony Fauci from Guardian video of recent news conference about the pandemic; other photos from Unsplash.
What’s the future for departing officials? |
They presided over a bungled pandemic response that soon may see 600,000 American deaths and tens of millions of infections, with a terrible toll on residents of nursing homes and other long-term care facilities. They promised to make U.S. health care cheaper, more accessible, and safer — and they did not. They claimed they would get tens of millions of people health insurance that was better and more affordable, and they did not. They pledged that the skyrocketing costs of prescription medications and hospital care would come down, and, again, that did not happen. So, what’s next for the now-departed leaders of federal health and other programs for the last four years, including: Alex Azar, head of the Health and Human Services agency, Dr. Robert Redfield, chief of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Dr. Stephen Hahn, commissioner of the Food and Drug Administration, and Seema Verma, who led the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services? Let’s see. Holding high positions in the government traditionally puts such office holders on even more golden career paths — in lucrative private industry jobs, influential posts in foundations, nonprofits, or colleges or universities, in other political or appointed roles, and maybe in high-paying consulting or lobbying work. The unending tumult and divisive nature of the recently ended presidential term, however, may have negative consequences for those who served in it. To be sure, with the enormous churn that occurred during the last regime, especially among its elite leaders, newly exited presidential staff can look to precedent for their own possibilities.Tom Price, the Georgia orthopedist, onetime Peach State congressman and former head of the sprawling Health and Human Services agency, was ousted from his Cabinet-secretary role for his abusive fondness for riding on pricey private jets and costly military charters. He still managed to summon enough moxie to ask his home state’s governor to appoint him to an open U.S. Senate seat. That did not occur.Scott Gottlieb, a doctor and onetime head of the federal Food and Drug Administration, quit his high-ranking post relatively early in the last regime — only as the harms mounted from his nicotine policy making and its resulting postponement of e-cigarette regulation. Gottlieb, who had served on the board of a vaping store company, spent much of his term trying to curtail an explosion of e-cigarette use and addiction by a generation of young people, dozens of whom fell seriously ill while some died of lung disorders tied to tainted vaping products. He returned to his posts at a conservative think tank and with a venture capital firm. He serves on the board of Pfizer, the Big Pharma firm that makes one of two coronavirus vaccines that have won emergency-use approval from the federal Food and Drug Administration. He has become an active commentator on the pandemic response and public health measures.Dr. Ronny Jackson, who served as the presidential physician and saw his congenial relationship with the last incumbent lead to a surprising and unsuccessful nomination as Secretary of the Department of Veterans Affairs, retired to his home state of Texas. He since has won a tight congressional race as a Republican with financial and political support from those in the former president’s circle, meaning Jackson has returned to Washington, D.C., with extreme conservative views to represent a Panhandle constituency.Health secretary Azar, in his resignation letter that did not take effect until Biden was sworn in, told his boss (the former president) that his actions tied to the Jan. 6 riot and insurrectionist attack on Congress and the Capitol, tarnished the administration’s legacy. That may complicate the options for Azar, a lawyer and former Big Pharma executive, as well as for Verma, his combative, political competitor in the last administration. She was a onetime health care consultant who spent taxpayer funds at CMS to burnish her political and professional standing. Those sums that may not make the difference she wanted, not only due to the embarrassing disclosure of the sketchy spending but also because of the terrible toll the pandemic took on nursing homes and other long-term care facilities that she oversaw and was supposed to safeguard. As for Redfield, supporters of the religious loyalist rescued him before when his career swerved due to his extreme views, for example, about people with HIV-AIDS. He is 69 and had said publicly that he considered his appointment to head the CDC to be a career capstone. Hahn —whose time at the FDA was brief, problematic, and included his outreach to critics, followed by his pushing back attempts to hurry the rigorous clinical trials of coronavirus vaccines — may find that his former expertise in running big academic medical centers is still in demand. |
Recent Health Care Blog Posts |
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HERE’S TO A HEALTHY 2021!
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Sincerely, Patrick Malone |